I. Margrit Schulte Beerbühl, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf: German Sausages for the British Kitchen
Britain has become a multicultural country today in which people of different backgrounds have introduced a variety of foods from pizza, croissants to curry kebabs or black forest gateaux. Although Britain has experienced something like a culinary revolution since the 1960s the transformation of British food by immigrants is not just a recent development. Ir dates back to at least the Victorian times and very likely much earlier. Each of the immigrant waves which Britain had experienced since the sixteenth century probably brought their own dishes with them.
This paper is going to look at the influence of a particular stream of immigration that of Germans who was one of the largest immigrant groups from the eighteenth century to World War I. They became important in food-processing industries, like sugar refining in the East End of London and also in the provision of bread and meat supplies of Britons. Numerous bakers' and butchers' shops with German names were to be found in nineteenth century England. Although little is known about the German butchers it seems that they have cornered the market for the sale of pork and especially sausages. This paper will look at the migration pattern of German pork butchers and their shops in Britain.
II. Ole Sparenberg, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen: The Fischbratküche: Introducing "Fish ´n´ Chips" in late 1920s Germany
Travelling goods or foods do not inevitably form a success story. Some goods or foods proved to be successful in one country but failed to do so in another. The attempt to transfer the concept of British Fried-Fish shops to Germany in the 1920s is an example of such a failure. Closely following the British model, a considerable number of so-called Fischbratküchen (literally "fish-frying-kitchen") opened in Germany from 1924 onwards. The moving spirit behind this was the fishing authority of Hamburg which hoped that such shops - just as they did in Great Britain - would create a huge demand for fish and, thus, alleviate the sales problem (or overcapacity problem) of the German trawler fleet.
Initially hopes were high as Fischbratküchen spread out across Germany, adapted themselves to the German consumers and even diversified regionally. Soon, however, enthusiasm made room for disillusionment. The Fischbratküchen never gained a pivotal importance as an outlet for the German fishing industry and enjoyed no lasting success with the consumers. At the start of the 1930s, almost half of the German Fried-Fish shops had closed down and the whole idea was considered as a costly failure.
The arrival of Chinese food in the kitchen of New Yorkers marks the final stage in the travel of the cuisine of an immigrant group into the everyday diet of their host country.Cultural appropriations of foreign cars:
At the beginning of its journey Chinese food was the recreation of traditional Cantonese cuisine assembled by Cantonese immigrants by means of their culinary knowledge and an early developed extensive food network, which supplied the immigrants with all the essential ingredients to maintain their traditional diet.
The shift in consumers from immigrants to hosts occurred as Chinese culture and commodities became a lucrative attraction at the end of the 19th century. Restaurants sprung up by the hundreds all over the city, serving modified dishes to suit the curious yet timid eaters. This familiarity with and popularity of Chinese food was the prerequisite of the desire to cook Chinese food at home.
My presentation will show how Chinese food was appropriated by New Yorkers in their own kitchen. This happened in a variety of ways: as Chinese food products and condiments that were used for their nutritional value or to spice up old recipes; in the form of Chinese costume balls or mahjong parties where Chinese food was but one element to convey a "truly oriental atmosphere"; and, increasingly, as an exotic treat on the table. The presentation will also focus on how ingredients and recipes were obtained and how the food was adapted.
Philosophers of technology have recently coined the phrase "dual nature of technology" to allow for the analysis of the design process of new technologies to include both their "relational" and their "intrinsically technical" characteristics. Applying this concept to the realm of mobility history, this presentation seeks to show the mutual construction, during the interwar period, of the technology and the culture of and around motorized road vehicles, especially the automobile and the motorcycle. The research for this presentation is based on the author's current endeavors to write a synthetic analysis of North-Atlantic automobilism in the twentieth century.
It is quite well known that the "appropriation" of the bicycle, the motorcycle and the car was not a purely individual affair: the role of "intermediary" institutions, most particularly the automobile and touring clubs, have been instrumental in guiding and steering this process, especially in Europe. This has been different per country, but in most European countries it was the touring club, as a mass organization, that formulated a middle-class, if not a petty bourgeois framework of family leisure within which the car came to be "consumed." By defining what "a car" was all about, these clubs, and especially those in the larger car-producing countries, also helped to redesign the automobile's technology, resulting in different cars per country that catered to a specific, national, and heavily stereotyped consumer. Non-producing, smaller countries, reached comparable results through the mix of their respective car parks, as expressed in their registration statistics.
In this presentation, the Netherlands, Germany and France are compared: during the Interbellum, the Dutch consumer shifted from French to German cars against a background of American dominance. The Dutch car culture, crucially influenced by the touring club ANWB, became one of a tamed and tempered adventurousness largely practiced by the middle-class family and propagated in the club's journals Kampioen and Autokampioen. At the same time, the German road mobility culture became dominated by the motorcycle rather than the automobile, accompanied by a collective and rather aggressivel;y antagonistic motorcycle culture as represented in ADAC-Motorwelt, whereas the French culture was dominated by the automobile, and seemed to be much less aggressive and prone to violent behavior, if we are to believe the Revue du TCF. Based upon an analysis of the touring club's journals in the respective countries, this presentation reconstructs these cultural differences against a backdrop of an emerging "European" car culture.
Assuming that the consumption of goods always communicates social and cultural meaning, my paper concentrates on a particular consumer good: the automobile.
Imagine Britain's metropolis at the beginning of the twentieth century. Next to pedestrians and cyclists, the horse drawn vehicle dominated the city's scenery. Whether for commercial, public or private purposes, people highly depended on real horsepower. Grocers used horse drawn carriages to stock up their goods. Busses, carrying dozens of people, were drawn by horses, as were the fashionable little wagonettes that provide a more convenient form of transport for the affluent members of society.
Entering this scene is the automobile – the latest invention in transport history. While first of all an imported good it slowly but steadily made its way into British culture. Alongside department stores and various other shops, automobile companies – often of French or German origin – established themselves in London's West End: the hub of commercial trade. In Shaftesbury Avenue Horch Motors Ltd. had opened its doors, in Brook Street De Dion-Bouton vehicles were shown, the latest Napier automobiles were on display in New Burlington Street, the showrooms of the Cannstatt Automobile Supply Association were situated in Regent Street and in Pall Mall the premises of the Daimler Company invited potential consumers. All these sites together with annual motor shows, petrol supply stations, repair services and new regulations greatly transformed not only the city's infrastructure, but created a new and ever-changing relation between the automobile and those who buy or sell or see or drive it. In short those who consume it.
On the basis of historical sources such as newspaper articles, advertisements and early motor literature, I will highlight the active relationship that exists between a good and a consumer. I will consider a number of questions that are generated by this constellation: To what extent is the cultural origin of these goods of relevance? Are there any images or ideas attached to them? Do these images and ideas change according to time and place? Who drives, buys and repairs these automobiles? Why and how do people participate in their consumption? How far does their individual process of appropriation differ? What happens to consumers and goods in this process of consumption? To what extent do these goods undergo changes? Does the consumer himself/herself also experience some sort of modification?
With these questions in mind, I will set out to analyse a complex set of relationships between consumers, consumer goods and the cultural knowledge that they navigate and create from the moment they are mobilised by this new technology.
An 'American-made' Ford Model T, completely knocked-down, shipped in a box to Berlin and re-assembled in a leased warehouse at West Harbour in Berlin-Plötzensee is no longer the same artefact as in its domestic market. It is perceived differently by various groups within the German society, labelled with meanings distinct from those meanings attached to it by American farmers (the foremost buyers of the Ford car in the US), purchased by other social groups than in America, which had to overcome different obstacles and who faced other opponents on the discursive battlefield.Cultural appropriations of foreign books:
From the angle of cultural sociology, a closer look at the social groups in Germany before and after the First World War discussing, labelling, purchasing and using or dismissing and opposing this Ford car unveils at least two different things. On the one hand the discursive battlefield is laid bare, the appropriations of meaning to the artefact by different social groups (diverse automobile clubs, potential consumers in general and user in particular and so on). On the other hand, varieties of appropriation (patterns of consumption, patterns of usage) are being brought to light in the years before the war and in the period between 1918 and 1932/33 (for example physicians, small business men, white collar workers).
The results of my comparative analysis of the varieties of appropriation of Ford cars within the German Society are revealing that Ford was more of a symbol for a certain style of life than an artefact in the life style of groups and, in so doing, changed into a pure cultural, almost a moral issue in the 1920s. Similar to the strategy of Ford Motor Company to put the screws on German market from the West (Cappel & Co. – a hauler company which was located in Aachen) and the North (another was located in Lübeck), the Ford template for a way of life, a certain kind of car as well as a certain kind of housing, put the 'German' temper from both sides under pressure, thereby altering putatively the very German character. It was apprehended that the German becomes a 'helot of luxury' whose aims in life amount to nothing more than motor cars, mansions, radio, cinema, Patent-kitchen ranges, refrigerators and 'parties'.
It was his publisher's good offer for the second edition of his illustrated fairy tales that allowed Hans Christian Andersen to travel to Spain in 1862. This economic background information can be found in the final version of Andersen's autobiography that was first published in the USA. Thus, Andersen's texts demonstrate how movements and relations are generated by the interaction of human beings and things. My contribution traces this interplay in several directions.
First, it reconstructs the history of Andersen's travelogue In Spain and follows the integration of Andersen's texts in an expanding network of translations. Andersen is one of the most translated authors of the world, and his publishing strategy was transnational from the early years of his career. The history of his texts allows insights into the structure of the world literary space (Casanova 2004) and it shows possibilities to secure intellectual property in translation processes before the existence of an effective international copyright law.
But Andersen's texts do not only become commodities, they do also reflect on processes of commodification. How does the travelogue itself deal with the spread of a global commodity culture? In Spain characterizes Spain and Africa as hybrid spaces, and this hybridity is mainly created by things. The integration into global commodity chains leads to a superposition of center and periphery (Wallerstein 2004), modernity and tradition. Thus, the text acknowledges the specific role of things in processes of hybridization of time and space (Latour 1995). Furthermore, In Spain demonstrates how modern global culture generates fetishistic relations between human beings and things and, in doing so, questions Eurocentric concepts of identity. The contribution shows, how the agency of texts and things undermines the idea of the autonomous subject.
Hans Christian Andersen: I Spanien, in: H. C. Andersens samlede værker. Vol. 15: Rejseskildringer 1851-1872, Copenhagen (Gyldendal) 2006, pp. 219-413.
Pascale Casanova: The World Republic of Letters, Cambridge (Harvard University Press) 2004.
Bruno Latour: Wir sind nie modern gewesen. Versuch einer symmetrischen Anthropologie, Berlin (Akademie- Verlag) 1995.
Immanuel Wallerstein: World-Systems Analysis. An Introduction, Durham/London (Duke University Press) 2004.
The American period in the Philippines was envisioned to be tutelage in democracy and the transformation of the Philippine society. A sector that was perceived to be receptive and malleable to this was the sector of primary school age children. It was imperative that they learn English, imbibe American values and become agents of transformation for Philippine society. One way to achieve this was through the use of American textbooks. However, the American textbooks although intended as educational tools, also had cultural and normative aspects as well.
In 1900, Dr. Fred W. Atkinson, General Superintendent of Public Instruction, ordered for the Philippine public school system 50,000 pieces of Baldwin's primers, 10,000 pieces of Baldwin's first readers, 25,000 pieces of Baldwin's second readers, in addition to Wentworth's Elementary Arithmetic, Montgomery's History of the United States and others.1 The content of these books was for American schools and was thus totally unfamiliar to Filipinos who had no experience of snow, and were unaware of the symbolic meanings of autumn leaves, Jack Frost and Abraham Lincoln. In addition, these were in English, an alien and new language. Nevertheless, the hundreds of American school teachers and officials used these to begin the social project of creating America's "little brown brother." Did the Filipino school children imbibe these lessons and values and spread them to the rest of society, as the Americans hoped, or did they appropriate them and create their own meanings?
This paper will investigate these American textbooks in a new cultural setting, the Philippine public primary classroom. In particular it will look at two aspects that the texts addressed: English and values. The paper will analyse the Baldwin readers which were used to teach English, the Civics Textbooks and Athletics Handbook which were used to teach values such as the love of manual labor and to put forward such ideas as public health and sanitation. Methodology to be used will be historical analysis as well as textual analysis of the source textbooks. Historical research on the period under study will provide a context for the paper. The paper will further attempt to investigate and interpret how Filipino children reacted to these new cultural artefacts through the use of diaries, memoirs and correspondences of American teachers and education officials.
1 Fred W. Atkinson, "The Present Educational Movement in the Philippine Islands," Report of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1900-1901, Vol. 2 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1902) pp. 1334.
The presentation outlines the adaptation of the US dime novel to the German market in the early years of the twentieth century. It will focus on local publishers on the one hand and cultural critics on the other as 'gatekeepers' in the process of introducing foreign cultural products. While German publishers like the Goldmann Verlag in Leipzig, Mignon in Dresden or Mitteldeutsche Verlagsanstalt in Berlin translated and adapted the typically US-American genre to German culture, newspaper critics, teachers and others campaigned against this apparent threat to the German youth. After presenting the dime novel as a genre specific to US-American culture, I will first look at the strategies of German publishers to make their product appeal to a German audience. In a second step I will oppose these strategies with the counter-strategies of cultural critics claiming that the dime novel will always remain alien to German culture, and consequently a threat to German society.Cultural appropriations of other foreign goods:
This paper examines the emergence of Western and local trademarks and brands in the late Ottoman Empire covering the period from the second half of the nineteenth century until the 1920s. Almost simultaneously with brands their counterfeits were available at the Ottoman market. Thus this study also traces the measures of the state as well as concerned companies to respond the increasing counterfeit of products.
Before that period the Ottomans had a guild-based "command economy" where the supply of the capital was of prime importance (Stoianovich 1992, Inalcık 1997). Most consumer goods were produced by craftsmen who were organized in guilds and distributed through retailers who were also part of the guild system. We do have evidence that already in the sixteenth century some consumer goods like pottery or pipe bowls were "branded" assigning the workshop or the craftsman respectively (Lane 1957, Aslanapa 1965, Bakla 2007). Yet, the amount of branded consumer goods between 1500 to 1800 appear to be much lower than for instance in China or Japan where besides branded goods signs were deployed by artisan shops (Gibney 1983, Eckhart and Bengtsson 2010). Consequently, for the Ottoman Empire we cannot speak of a "sophisticated brand infrastructure" as Eckhart and Bengtsson (2010) have shown for China.
However, we may assume that the control of prices (for commodities and supply goods), product features, and quality standards set by the state and guilds served as a form of 'functional branding' (Eckhardt and Bengtsson 2010). For instance characteristic features (design patterns, colors) of the high quality Ottoman carpets sold in Europe fulfilled functions similar to brands. In the late eighteenth century this practice of "functional branding" was supplemented by branded Western consumer goods which by then had a continuously growing market share.
One of the oldest Ottoman/Turkish companies, still active today, is Ali Muhiddin Hacı Bekir Confectioners. Although it was established already in 1777 the companies' first trademark and brand was introduced in 1873. The first locally manufactured good using a trademark was probably the fez, which from 1826 became obligatory headgear for members of the bureaucracy and the military. The Hereke factory--a state owned enterprise--began in 1846 to attach a brand to its fez using an elaborate Ottoman calligraphy. With the introduction of a trademark the state did pursue two major objectives: to stimulate sales and to ensure that its products would not easily be imitated (Buluş 2000).
Yet, since state-owned enterprises were never able to supply the local demand for fezzes from the very beginning, they had to be imported from Italy or France. Beginning in 1836, Austria controlled the market for the Ottoman fez (Purkhart 2006). Moreover, the bulk of available goods labelled with brands and trademarks, which from the 1830s increasingly flooded the local markets, were not of Ottoman origin but imported from Europe or the USA.
But it is only from the second half of the nineteenth century--when the guild system lost its influence and the Ottoman state applied a liberal economic policy--that we see local goods using brands more frequently, most probably as a means of responding to the by then growing competition from the West.
The Ottoman urban consumers very soon became used to brands/trade marks, with the result that Western goods were appreciated more if they had colored and illustrated brands (Köse 2010). Reports from European commercial travellers already in the late eighteenth century point to the importance of labels and brands to local consumers (Baskıcı 2009, Köse 2010). In the last quarter of the nineteenth century famous European trade marks and goods like Odol, Bourdeaux, Cognac or Nestlé and Singer appear to have been highly esteemed. Consequently from the beginning, side by side with many successful products and trade marks available on the Ottoman market, we see their counterfeited imitations. These were mainly imported goods but we do also find local forgeries (Köse 2010).
Although the Ottoman state already enacted in 1871 a law concerning the registration of trademarks, it was not a member of the international convention for the protection of industrial property concluded in Paris in 1883 (Greeley 1899, Kala 2006). Therefore, this paper also contemplates the efforts the Ottoman state and Western producers undertook to answer the increasing counterfeit of trademarks and goods. Moreover, the study will tackle another important aspect of the problem that arises here: that is, how foreign brands were able to appeal to consumers who until then had no similar products and/or symbols assigned to them.
This paper studies the hagotan, a machine that was widely used in the stripping of abaca fiber in Davao plantations in the first half of the twentieth century. Using the Philippine frontier as a backdrop in analyzing the development of the hagotan, the paper also discusses how the machine, in turn, affected the frontier and its peoples.III. Britta Schilling, St Antony's College, Oxford University: Selling the Memory of Empire: Cultural Appropriation of Kolonialwaren in Interwar Germany
Called by American colonizers as their 'last western frontier,' Davao grew rapidly from wilderness to city within four decades, peopled not only by Americans and Filipino indigenous tribes, but mostly by Filipino, Japanese and Chinese settlers. This paper discusses how the American notion of machines as embodiment of progress was imbibed and transformed by the various peoples who migrated to Davao, creating an amalgam of west and east. A particular example of this frontier hybridization and transformation is the hagotan, a machine whose creation and development took into consideration Filipino, American and Japanese needs in a frontier plantation economy.
The hagotan, embodied the western model of mechanized agro-industrial ventures, but also combined the Asian traits of communal non-confrontation. It is proof that western-initiated industrialization can be achieved by including Asian values and ingenuity into the mix, as the Davao experience has shown. Labor scarcity in the frontier, set against the labor-intensive and time-consuming process of stripping abaca, created a necessity for the development of this stripping machine. There was no single type of stripping machine, and Americans, Filipinos and Japanese experimented and innovated with several models, until the hagotan was introduced as a Japanese innovation from a Filipino-made contraption, and was widely received and adopted in the plantations.
This paper concludes by looking at how the hagotan, in turn affected the production process, and the communal arrangements of the workers in the plantations.
This paper explores the commodification and semiotisation of colonial products, or Kolonialwaren, in Germany between 1925 and 1935. Although Germany lost its overseas possessions with the Treaty of Versailles, trade networks between former colonies and the metropole continued after the First World War. During the interwar period, Kolonialwaren such as sisal, rubber, bananas and coffee became part of everyday life in Germany as objects to see, touch, smell and taste. A sensory engagement with colonial products invoked collective feelings of nostalgia, deeper longings for the return of an overseas 'paradise lost', particularly among the middle and upper classes.
Although the story of how colonial products came to Germany in the interwar period is fascinating, we also need to consider the contexts in which these products were presented, consumed and even 'performed' in order to fully understand their meanings in contemporary society. We can see how a unique process of cultural appropriation operated by analysing the use of Kolonialwaren in colonial balls, large-scale public events staged by colonial societies to entertain the economic and political elite. From the end of the First World War until well into the Nazi period, ballrooms in major metropolitan centres were transformed into 'fairytale-like' spaces using colonial products and other colonial-inspired motifs. These events contextualised Kolonialwaren in a framework between fantasy and reality, allowing German consumers to uphold race and gender norms while engaging with 'foreign' objects and representations. Ultimately, colonial balls inserted Kolonialwaren into a memory narrative of economic prosperity, racial dominance and 'safe' exoticism which became the dominant paradigm during the interwar period.
In addition to mapping the transfer of colonial objects and analysing mechanisms of cultural appropriation, this paper opens up further avenues for investigation by exploring how commodities and consumer goods can function as agents of memory. The research is part of a larger project examining the memory of empire in Germany through the lens of material culture from 1919 to the present.